WE, THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure to all its citizens:
JUSTICE, social, economic and political;
LIBERTY of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship;
EQUALITY of status and of opportunity;
and to promote among them all
FRATERNITY assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation;
IN OUR CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY this twenty-sixth day of November, 1949, DO HEREBY ADOPT, ENACT AND GIVE TO OURSELVES THIS CONSTITUTION
So says the Preamble of the holiest of all the holy books for all Indians: The Constitution of India. Secularism is the fountainhead of the democracy called India. The fundamental elements stated in the preamble are above any modification. No amount of amendment can tamper with these constitutional principles. However, ranked more supreme than the Supreme Court of the Nation and the Constitution of India is the will of its citizens, which we get to exercise every five years ( Sometimes even less than that in case of by-elections).
The jury is out. The verdict is given. India through the world’s largest election involving 815 million people has voted in favour of the end of the dynastic rule. The decision of the children of “Mother India” signifies the end of the Gandhi- Nehru era. An era that controlled the landscape of Indian politics for the major part post independence. The era of the elite comes to an end and the common man takes the reign of the country. The Indian citizenry feels vindicated and jubilant. The dance of democracy that began in April this year finally ended on the 16th of May.
With over 66% of vote cast India witnessed the largest polling ever . It was probably for the first time in the electoral and political history of the Nation that youth were more enthusiastic about the 16th of May than the 14th of February. Nearly 40 per cent of the Indian population is between the ages of 13 to 35 (defined as youth in the National Youth Policy). A rough calculation would reveal that the 15-24 age population is approximately 18.4% . Out of the total electoral population that went to vote, 150 million 18- to 23-year-olds were qualified to vote for the first time . That is a lot of young people. The high percentage of youth becomes a very significant factor in defining the issues addressed by the two major political parties, the Indian National Congress and the BJP. ;’The population that saw rampant corruption, a nose-diving economy, high rates of inflation and price rise in the last ten years clearly did not care much about the manifesto of the current ruling collation, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA). Ironically, India witnessed anything but progress under the UPA.
The BJP, which has been seen so far as a right wing Hindu political party attempting to saffrionize everything was voted in by a thumping majority. No more fractured government. No more appeasing the egos of alliance partners in a bid to save the government and no more living under the constant threat of a minor partner withdrawing their support. With a next to none chance for the INC to be the people’s choice, it was a given that the BJP would be the one. The BJP knew this too well. It also knew that in order to come back to power it had to package itself as a government for all. A government that genuinely cared about the issues facing the nation and not just for the sake of acting as a tough opponent.
For the packaging to appeal to the masses, the BJP steered clear of the issues that it was always accused of, i.e. concentrating on the Ram Mandir issue or seen as the party of the majority and working on the principles of politicising religion. One look at their manifesto says it all. The Manifesto titled aptly as “Sabka Saath, SAbka Vikas ( Everyone Together, Development for All) talks about issues of price rise, corruption, urban- rural development, unemployment, systemic reforms by establishing a more transparent and accountable government. More importantly, the Party realized that no matter how many Hindus vote there was a need to expand its credibility beyond the confines of the majority religion. The Manifesto therefore has a section titled “Widen the Platform” that talks about bridging the gap between the haves and the have nots; social justice and empowerment of the depressed and marginalized sections of society ( Scheduled Caste/ Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes in particular) and equal opportunity for minorities. With a pan India package ready, the hunt began for the brand ambassador who would ensure the return of the BJP. After much thought and drama the “face” was chosen.
Narendra Damodar Modi a 63 year old Chief Minister of Gujarat. Modi embodied everything that screamed out “Anti- Congress”. A man of very humble beginnings (son of a tea- vendor) who had studied in the vernacular medium and charted his own political journey without a god- father. What is also significant is his “caste”. After many years, here was a candidate who was not from any of the “elite” casts. Not to forget the fact his much touted “Gujarat Model” of economic progress that had become a case study to be emulated. His persona connected immediately with the people breaking class and caste divide. He soon became NaMo, a massive wave that swept the county off its feet and promised an all time high tide of economic prosperity and social justice. The phenomenal success of Brand NaMo can be attributed to three factors. Advertising, advertising and advertising. A man who was treated as a pariah till recently for engineering one of the most horrific communal violence campaigns became the darling of the media and the masses in just less than 10 months.
The whole country was dancing on the BJP Election song “ Hum Modi ji ko lane walein hain. Acche din aane walein hain”( Good days would soon come because we are going to bring Modi ). This dance of hope and change was so intoxicating that the ones dancing forgot a few minor points, i.e. the deaths of approximately 1,000 Muslims all over Gujarat in 2002; the face of Qutbuddin Ansari , an ordinary tailor who was turned into a symbol of tragedy. Modi supporters would argue that the highest court of the county has given him a “clean chit” and absolved him of the stain of silently watching, even encouraging the worst ever communal carnage in India. The 541-page Special Investigation Team ( SIT) closure report stated that Narendra Modi had taken all necessary measures to control the 2002 riots. It cites,” Law and order review meetings were held by the Chief Minister and all things were done to control the situation.” However the report of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) provides evidence to the contrary. In its report it concludes that “there was a comprehensive failure of the State to protect the Constitutional rights of the people of Gujarat”. Even if Modi’s personal culpability in the 2002 Gujarat riots is difficult to ascertain in the light of the Supreme Court Judgement, one cannot exonerate him of failing the people of Gujarat. The sting operation conducted by Tehalka establishes beyond any doubt the collusion between the Babu Bajrangi ( leader of the Gujarat-wing of the Bajrang Dal, a Hindu nationalist organization in India) and the state led by Modi. Babu Bajrangi and another acolyte Maya Kodnani are in jail for their role in the carnage. Bajrangi was held guilty of cold blooded murder of Kausharbanu, a pregnant woman whom he had hit with a sword. Such instances of cold blooded murder and blood-curdling irrational hatred towards a particular community would not have been sustained if the State machinery was not providing its support and cooperation.
Modi is a lifelong member and an ardent supporter of the “ Rastriya Swyamsevak Sangh” ( RSS) which is a right wing para-military, volunteer Hindu Nationalist Group. RSS is inspired by the fascist movements of Europe and believes that Nazi Germany had manifested "race pride” at its highest. They glorify Hitler and praise his policies that according to them, led the Germans towards ardent nationalism. Modi’s constant companions Praveen Togadia and Giriraj Sigh embody the RSS ideology. Sigh had said on national television that said critics of Modi had a "place in Pakistan and not in India." Togadia, who is president of the BJP's sister-organization, the VHP, said Muslim households should be "evicted" from Hindu areas. Modi’s close association with the right wing Hindu Nationalist outfits speaks volumes about where his political and personal leanings are. In electing Modi we, the citizens of India have dug the pit, where “secularization” will be buried in times to come.
Another factor that went on to make Modi “the man” to Modi “ a product” amongst the youth of the nation was his “Gujarat Model” . This was a model of economic prosperity that that made Gujarat one of the most sought after states for industrialists. What is this model and what makes it successful? Well, the fact is there is nothing new about this model. Gujarat is governed by the same set of laws as other states, so if we trying to look for laws related to economic reform and liberalization in Gujarat, there are none. Gujratis as a community have always produced successful entrepreneurs. Yes, there is a Gujarari model which has always been there, before and after Modi and will always remain. The only Gujarati who has made his billions in the reign of Modi is Gautam Adani, in whose plane Modi has travelled the length and the breadth of the country giving speeches. The “Gujarat Model” is the fruit of the efforts of thousands of hard working, passionate and spirited Gujaratis. Romanticising Modi as a saviour of the Indian economy is to ignore the ways of how Gujarat works. It is not a state whose economy Modi has invented since 2001.Therefore to give one person all the credit for something he is not responsible for is grossly unfair.
Gujarat is not the only state that has exhibited economic prosperity. There are other states as well that find a place here. The state of Bihar saw a bigger growth in GDP than Gujarat in the decade from 2000. Over the last three decades, other states such as Haryana, Punjab and Maharashtra had a larger rise in average income per head than Gujarat. The state has undoubtedly done well since the liberalization of the 1990s, but so did the states of Maharashtra, Haryana, Punjab, Kerala, Bihar and Tamil Nadu. Why is the Gujarat model to be replicated and not Maharashtra or Bihar? Meanwhile, Gujarat was declared the most polluted state in 2010, and three of its rivers were found to be the most polluted in India.
The “Vibrant Gujarat” (Another name of the “Gujarat Model) is not just economic in nature. Give it a closer look and it will reveal its sectarian nature. The reach of the Modi’s economic package stops where the Muslim colonies begin where the people displaced from the 2002 riots stay in relief colonies. Without water, electricity, schools, transportation and basic medical facilities.
The Nation’s choice of Modi as the Prime Minister of India is rooted in the context of extreme political dissatisfaction. If not the Congress then who? At the Central level the people were left with very little choice. This lack of choice is very evident from the fact that where there were credible and decent political alternatives were available, the BJP and its allies were not voted in. Biju Janta Dal In Orissa, the Treenmool Congress in West Bengal and AIADMK in Tamil Nadu. In places where there were no options, BJP was the next available choice.
Modi is a product of the TINA factor (There is No Alternative). Modi’s campaign has been very polished in its approach and has hit all the right notes. The reality remains that in so far as the minority is concerned, there is a huge trust deficit that cannot be ignored. The election results have ushered an era of hopeful change. However it should be remembered that with its vote, India, established as a secular and liberal nation in 1950, will find itself in uncharted territory with a hard-line Hindu nationalist at the helm.
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